3 ZO.7. 
Vs / 5Q  6 


Education  in  Political  Science. 

AN  ADDRESS 


By  Hon.  ANDREW  D.  WHITE,  LL.  D., 

President  of  Cornell  University, 


Delivered  in  the  Academy  of.  Music,  Baltimore, 
on  the  Third  Anniversary  of 


THE  JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY, 

.February  22,  1879. 


Return  this  book  on  or  before  the 
Latest  Date  stamped  below. 

Theft,  mutilation,  and  underlining  of  books 
are  reasons  for  disciplinary  action  and  may 
result  in  dismissal  from  the  University. 
University  of  Illinois  Library 


L161— 0-1096 


Education  in  Political  Science. 

AN  ADDRESS 

By  Hon.  ANDREW  D.  WHITE,  LL.  D., 

President  of  Cornell  University, 


Delivered  in  the  Academy  of  Music,  Baltimore, 
on  the  Third  Anniversary  of 


THE  JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY, 


February  22,  7879. 


BALTIMORE: 

Printed  by  John  Murphy  & Co. 

Publishers,  Booksellers,  Printers  and  Stationers, 

182  Baltimore  Street. 

1 8 7 9. 


Liuc  <?4  1 YH(^'I  ’d  QUA^x  . 


ADDRESS. 


ASSEMBLED,  as  we  are,  on  a national  anni- 
versary, and  at  this  annual  festival  of  an 
institution  of  learning,  it  has  seemed  to 
me  not  unfit  to  discuss  a question  which  has 
political  as  well  as  scholastic  hearings — a ques- 
tion which  touches  vital  interests,  not  only  of  our 
universities,  hut  of  the  nation  at  large. 

I purpose  to  speak  to-day  upon  what  seems  to 
me  the  most  important  problem  at  present  in 
advanced  education — the  proper  provision  for 
higher  instruction  in  subjects  bearing  directly 
upon  public  affairs. 

The  demand  of  this  nation  for  men  trained  in 
History,  Political  and  Social  Science  and  General 
Jurisprudence,  can  hardly  be  overstated. 

In  the  United  States,  we  have,  first  of  all,  the 
national  Congress,  composed  of  two  bodies,  each 
called  upon  to  discuss  and  decide  the  most  im- 
portant political  questions,  and  to  some  extent 
the  most  important  social  questions.  They  thus 

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discuss  and  decide  for  a nation,  to-day  of  forty 
millions  of  people,  and  which,  many  now  living, 
will  see  numbering  a hundred  millions.  Nor 
is  it  alone  the  appalling  element  of  numbers 
which  strikes  the  thoughtful  citizen, — time  stretches 
before  us  in  a way  even  more  appalling;  foun- 
dations are  now  laying  for  centuries;  what  is 
done  now  is  to  tell  for  good  or  evil  upon  a long 
line  of  generations. 

Nor  is  this  all.  The  nations  of  the  earth  may 
be  divided  into  active  and  passive.  Active  nations 
are  those  which  are  to  work  out  the  development 
of  the  world  by  thought  and  by  act,  by  the  speech 
and  the  book,  by  the  missionary  and  the  soldier, 
by  the  machine  and  the  process;  nay,  by  mere 
bales  and  boxes.  Passive  nations  are  those  which 
are  to  be  acted  upon,  and  often  in  ways  more  or 
less  brutal.  For  good  or  evil  ours  is  to  be  among 
the  active  nations.  Its  influence  is  to  be  felt  not 
only  upon  the  hundred  millions  of  its  own  citizens, 
but  upon  the  still  greater  number  of  the  human 
race  outside  its  boundaries. 

Besides  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  we 
have  nearly  forty  State  Legislatures,  each  com- 
posed of  two  Houses,  and  besides  these,  county 
boards,  town  boards,  and  municipal  councils  in- 
numerable. 

There  are  also  executive  officers  corresponding 
to  these  legislative  assemblies,  and  all  these, 


whether  entrusted  with  executive  or  legislative 
functions,  are  called  upon  to  think  out  and  work 
out  problems,  probably  many,  for  the  greater  part 
of  the  human  race. 

Beside  these  regularly  constituted  bodies,  there 
are  from  time  to  time  constitutional  conventions 
in  the  various  States,  fixing  the  bases  of  legisla- 
tion. These  exercise  an  influence  exceedingly  far- 
reaching,  for  they  discuss  political  and  social 
questions  with  especial  reference  to  the  past  ex- 
perience and  future  needs  of  the  country.  They 
fix  the  grooves,  they  lay  the  track  in  which 
political  and  social  development  will  largely 
run. 

Not  less  important  are  certain  other  bodies 
having  a more  profound  influence  on  real  legis- 
lation than  men  usually  suspect.  Despite  the 
theoretical  separation  of  powers  in  our  Grovern- 
ment,  the  judicial  body  throughout  this  land  is, 
in  a certain  sense,  a legislative  body.  “Judge- 
made  law  ” is  felt  throughout  our  system  and 
always  will  be  felt;  the  judiciary  of  this  country, 
from  the  honored  bench  sitting  at  the  Capitol,  to 
the  multitude  of  State  courts  of  every  grade,  have 
an  influence  far  outreaching  the  application  of 
legal  principles  to  transient  questions ; for  good  or 
evil  their  ideas  of  public  policy  are  knit  into  the 
whole  political  and  social  fabric  of  the  future. 
The  relations  of  capital  to  labor,  the  connection 


6 


of  production  with  distribution;  education,  taxa- 
tion, general,  municipal  and  international  law, 
pauperism,  crime,  insanity,  all  are  constantly 
coming  before  these  bodies;  policies  are  fixed,  in- 
stitutions created,  laws  made  with  reference  to 
all  these  questions, — policies,  institutions,  laws,  in 
which  lie  the  germs  of  glory  or  anarchy,  of 
growth  or  revolution. 

That  there  is  a constant  danger  of  error  is  shown 
by  all  experience. 

There  is  no  nation  in  the  world  to-day  which 
is  not  suffering  from  the  mistakes  of  law-makers 
on  these  questions ; no  thoughtful  student  in  social 
science  is  ignorant  that  education  has  been  crip- 
pled by  ill-studied  institutions, — that  pauperism 
has  been  increased  by  the  very  legislation  intended 
to  alleviate  it, — that  up  to  a recent  period  insanity 
was  aggravated,  and  even  made  incurable,  by  the 
usual  system  of  public  provision, — that  ill-advised 
systems  of  warding  off  popular  distress,  systems 
embodying  what  was  called  good  common  sense, 
have  again  and  again  brought  great  populations 
to  the  verge  of  starvation,  and  sometimes  to  the 
realization  of  it, — and  that  down  to  a period  within 
the  memory  of  men  now  living,  crime  was 
increased  and  rendered  more  virulent  by  the 
repressive  system  of  every  civilized  country. 

In  the  midst  of  this  necessity  for  thought  and 
care,  how  stands  it  with  our  own  legislation  ? 


7 


It  was  recently  remarked  by  one  of  the  most 
able  and  devoted  men  who  ever  relinquished  a 
foreign  country  to  do  noble  work  in  this,  that  it 
saddened  him  to  see  many  of  the  same  lines  of 
policy  adopted  in  America  that  had  brought 
misery  upon  Europe ; — to  see  the  same  errors  in 
the  foundation  of  these  new  States  which  have 
brought  such  waste  and  disaster  and  sorrow  in 
those  old  States. 

No  one  who  knows  anything  of  our  legislation 
can  deny  that  serious  mistakes  are  constantly 
made,  and  often  with  the  best  intentions.  Of 
course,  I do  not  pretend  that  there  are  not  many 
excellent  public  servants  who  obtain  their  know- 
ledge of  political  and  social  questions  in  later  life, 
nor  do  I claim  at  all  that  none  but  men  educated 
in  these  questions  should  enter  public  life ; nor 
do  I deny  the  great  service  of  many  men  who  have 
received  no  such  training.  Recent  events  have 
revealed  many  such ; but  more  and  more,  as 
civilization  advances,  social  and  political  questions 
become  complex;  more  and  more  the  men  who 
are  to  take  part  in  public  affairs  need  to  be 
trained  in  the  best  political  thinking  of  the 
world, — need  to  know  the  most  important  ex- 
periences of  the  world, — need  to  be  thus  prepared 
by  observation  and  thought,  to  decide  between 
old  solutions  of  State  problems  or  to  work  out 
new  solutions. 


t 


8 


It  will  hardly  be  denied  that  the  want  of  such 
knowledge  and  such  training  is  seriously  felt  in 
all  parts  of  the  country.  Our  national  Congress 
and  State  Legislatures  unquestionably  repre- 
sent in  large  proportions  the  mental  strength  of 
the  country : — they  are  certainly  bodies  of  strong 
men.  Mentally  and  morally  they  are  above,  as 
political  reasoning  would  lead  us  to  suppose  they 
would  be,  the  average  level  of  their  constituen- 
cies ; but  how  is  this  strength  used  ? Take  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  as  an  example. 
While  I am  far  from  joining  in  the  usual  cant 
against  our  representative  bodies,  I think  that  no 
one  can  look  through  the  discussions  of  the  last 
few  years  without  acknowledging  that,  while  there 
are  revealed  a few  men  in  both  parties  competent 
to  handle  great  questions  in  finance,  general 
administration,  constitutional  and  international 
law,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  majority 
of  the  speeches  on  the  most  important  questions 
have  been  of  very  slight  value ; that  very  many 
of  them,  while  showing  a certain  native  strength 
and  keenness,  show  also  striking  ignorance  of  the 
plainest  experience  of  mankind  and  of  the  simplest 
principles  of  political  reasoning.  Theories  have 
been  broached  which  were  long  ago  extinguished 
in  blood ; — plans  proposed  which  have  led  without 
exception,  wherever  tried,  to  ruin,  moral  and 
financial ; — systems  adopted  which  have  been  some- 


9 


times  the  tragedies,  sometimes  the  farces,  upon  the 
stage  of  human  affairs. 

All  this,  too,  not  mainly  by  knaves  or  fools, 
but  often  by  men  of  vigorous  minds, — of  con- 
siderable reading, — of  what  is  called  good  common 
sense. 

As  to  State  legislation,  we  note  a prodigious 
amount  of  waste  and  error  in  dealing  with  politi- 
cal and  social  questions.  During  four  years  a 
member  of  the  Senate  of  our  largest  Common- 
wealth, I may  say  that  I have  seen  many  such 
mistakes,  and  have  myself  been  among  those 
guilty  of  them.  I have  seen  institutions  for  the 
care  of  the  insane  created  at  vast  expense  with 
the  very  best  intentions,  yet  organized  in  a man- 
ner most  unfortunate,  simply  from  want  of  know- 
ledge ; I have  seen  laws  for  the  repression  of 
crime  discussed  with  an  utterly  inadequate  know- 
ledge of  principles  that  in  some  other  lands  have 
been  carefully  settled ; in  questions  of  the  taxation 
of  over  four  millions  of  people,  I have  seen  the 
settled  experience  and  simplest  reasonings  and 
conclusions  of  thoughtful  men  in  various  nations 
pass  for  nothing,  and  a spirit  of  anarchy  result- 
ing only  equalled  by  that  of  France  just  before 
the  revolution  of  1789.  In  regard  to  pauperism, 
I have  seen  means  taken  similar  to  those  which, 
in  England,  over  three  hundred  years  ago,  began 
the  creation  of  a permanently  pauperized  class. 

2 


A 


10 


In  dealing  with  education,  I have  seen  codes  made 
and  millions  voted,  with  no  real  discussion ; have 
seen  the  relations  of  education  to  industry,  the 
problem  now  occupying  every  other  great  nation 
of  the  earth,  argued  with  far  less  care  than  the 
location  of  a canal  bridge.  In  all  this,  I certainly 
claim  nothing  beyond  my  colleagues. 

In  county,  town  and  municipal  bodies,  the  same 
thing  is  hardly  less  glaring ; almost  every  muni- 
cipal abuse  which  Arthur  Young  found  in  France 
under  Louis  XYI,  and  which  May  found  in  Eng- 
land under  George  III,  seems  to  have  its  coun- 
terpart somewhere  in  our  own  land  and  time. 
In  one  of  the  most  enlightened  counties  of  one 
of  our  most  enlightened  States,  a body  of  excel- 
lent reputation  and  sound  common  sense,  as  I 
happen  directly  to  know,  have,  at  large  expense, 
for  years  and  years,  kept  up  an  institution,  not 
merely  for  the  punishment  of  old  criminals,  but 
for  the  development  of  new  criminals : they  have 
resisted,  and  are  steadily  resisting  to-day,  any 
movement  to  prevent  the  institution  being  what 
it  has  long  been, — a criminal  high  school,  taking- 
large  numbers  of  novices  and  graduating  them 
masters  of  criminal  arts. 

This  is  not  on  account  of  want  of  integrity  or 
capacity  in  the  body  concerned;  it  is  composed 
of  men  who  manage  their  own  affairs  honestly 
and  prudently;  but  there  is  probably  not  one 


11 


among  them  who  has  ever  seen  any  discussion 
of  the  best  modes  of  dealing  with  crime  in  civi- 
lized nations. 

Let  us  leave  the  various  constituted  bodies 
and  go  among  the  people  at  large.  In  a republic 
like  ours,  the  people  are  called  on  at  the  last  to 
decide  upon  all  fundamental  questions ; on  their 
decision  rests  the  strength,  the  progress,  nay,  at 
last,  the  existence  of  the  republic. 

To  any  such  proper  discussion  and  adjustment 
of  political  and  social  questions  by  the  people, 
there  are  two  conditions : First,  there  must  be 
education  of  the  mass  of  citizens,  at  least  up 
to  a point  where  they  can  grasp  simple  politi- 
cal questions, — that  is,  up  to  the  ability  to  read, 
to  concentrate  and  exercise  their  reasoning  pow- 
ers on  simple  problems,  and  to  know  something 
of  their  own  country  and  its  relations  to  the  world 
about  it. 

Such  an  education  is  given  in  the  public  schools 
of  our  country.  With  such  a basis,  the  first  great 
element  in  the  safety  of  the  nation  is  reasonably 
secure.  I am  convinced  that  such  an  educated 
democracy  is  the  best  of  all  bodies  to  which  gene- 
ral public  questions  can  be  submitted,  and  for 
this  belief  there  is  high  authority  where  we  might 
little  expect  it.  The  recent  utterances  of  leading- 
statesmen  and  thinkers  in  England,  regarding  the 
submission  of  questions  of  fundamental  policy  to 


a fairly  educated  people,  as  compared  with  the 
submission  of  such  questions  simply  to  the  most 
highly  educated  classes,  are  very  striking.  The 
most  thoughtful  contemporary  English  statesman 
has  declared  that  the  judgment  of  the  mass  of 
the  English  voters  on  the  leading  political  and 
social  questions  of  the  past  fifty  years,  has  been 
far  more  just  than  that  of  the  most  highly  edu- 
cated classes,  and  he  brings  to  the  support  of  this 
statement  historical  arguments  which  cannot  be 
gainsaid.1 

As  to  this  first  condition  for  the  general  educa- 
tion of  the  people,  we  have  made,  in  most  of  our 
States,  large  provision.  I do  not  contend  that  our 
primary  education  is  perfect;  I know  its  imper- 
fections too  well,  but  the  people  are  awake  to 
its  importance,  and  show  on  all  sides  a desire 
to  continue  it;  of  course  demagogues  here  and 
there  seek  to  gain  bits  of  special  favor  by  attempt- 
ing to  undermine  the  system,  but  their  tendencies 
are  well  known,  and  are  steadily  becoming  better 
known. 

The  second  condition  of  the  proper  maintenance 
of  the  republic  is  suitable  instruction  for  the 
natural  leaders  rising  from  the  mass.  The  rise 
of  such  leaders  is  inevitable ; they  are  sure  to 
appear  in  every  sphere  of  political  and  social 

1 See  the  articles  of  Mr.  Gladstone  and  others  in  recent  numbers  of  The . 
Nineteenth  Century. 


13 


activity ; they  come  from  all  classes,  but  mainly 
from  the  energetic,  less  wealthy  classes — from  the 
classes  disciplined  to  vigor  and  self-denial  by 
poverty. 

These  are  to  influence  the  country  in  all  execu- 
tive, legislative  and  judicial  positions  ; they  are 
to  act  in  the  forum  and  through  the  press ; nay, 
perhaps  more  strongly  still  by  stimulating  that 
imitation  which  a recent  writer  has  shown  to  be 
one  of  the  most  powerful  factors  in  the  develop- 
ment of  nations  to  higher  political  and  social  life.1 

For  the  development  of  these  wTith  reference  to 
this  leadership, — for  the  training  of  their  powers 
of  observation  and  reasoning, — for  the  giving  of 
that  historical  knowledge  of  past  failures  which 
is  the  best  guarantee  for  future  success,  there  is 
at  present,  in  our  higher  education  in  the  United 
States,  no  adequate  provision.  Here  and  there, 
in  a few  of  our  higher  institutions,  beginnings 
have  been  made,  and  good  beginnings,  but  such 
institutions  are  few.  In  most  of  them  Political 
Economy  is  not  taught,  save  by  a short  course  of 
recitations  from  a text-book.  In  very  few  of  them 
is  there  the  slightest  instruction,  worthy  of  the 
name,  in  History. 

The  results  of  this  defect  in  our  higher  educa- 
tion are  constantly  before  us.  Among  these  natu- 


ISee  Bagehot,  “ Physics  and  Politics.” 


14 


ral  leaders  in  our  country,  whether  in  the  pub- 
lic assemblies  or  the  press,  there  is  certainly 
no  lack  of  talent  and  even  genius.  Among  the 
most  striking  characteristics  of  the  country  > as 
noticed  by  unprejudiced  foreigners,  is  the  great 
number  of  men  of  ability  in  every  direction,  and 
the  power  with  which  they  are  able  to  present 
their  ideas  to  their  fellow-citizens.  But  how  is 
this  power  exercised?  With  few  exceptions  the 
presentation  of  political  and  social  questions  at 
public  meetings  is  even  less  satisfactory  than 
in  our  representative  bodies.  The  speakers  gen- 
erally have  ability,  but  rarely  have  they  studied 
the  main  questions  involved.  What  they  know 
has  been  mainly  gathered  here  and  there,  at 
haphazard, — from  this  magazine  and  that  news- 
paper. The  result  is  natural : instead  of  real 
argument,  too  often  invective ; instead  of  illus- 
tration, buffoonery ; instead  of  any  adequate 
examination  of  the  history  involved,  personal 
defamation ; instead  of  investigation  of  social 
questions,  appeals  to  prejudice. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  cause  of  this  lies  in 
the  natural  tendency  of  democracy  from  the  days 
of  Cleon  before  the  Athenian  Assembly,  to  the 
gyrations  of  sundry  politicians  before  certain 
American  assemblies.  This  theory  is  easy  and 
convenient,  but  any  one  much  accustomed  to  pub- 
lic meetings  in  our  country  can  see  many  reasons 


15 


for  disbelieving  it.  An  American  assembly  enjoys 
wit  and  humor  keenly,  but  there  is  one  thing 
that  it  enjoys  more,  and  that  is,  the  vigorous, 
thorough  discussion  of  pressing  political  or  social 
questions.  The  history  of  the  past  few  years 
gives  striking  examples  of  this ; I have,  myself, 
within  the  past  year,  seen  two  statesmen  of  very 
different  views,  but  powerful  and  thoughtful,  go 
before  large  public  meetings,  lamenting  the  fact 
that  the  questions  discussed  were  questions  of 
finance, — the  very  dryest  in  political  science ; and 
yet  those  large  audiences  were  held  firmly  from 
first  to  last  by  their  interest  in  vigorous  argu- 
ment. 

I am  convinced  that  the  difficulty  is  not  in  the 
want  of  popular  appreciation  of  close  argument, 
but  rather  the  frequent  want  among  political 
leaders  of  adequate  training  for  discussion. 

The  question  now  arises,  what  this  training  in 
political  and  social  science  should  be. 

I answer  first,  that  there  should  be  close  study 
of  the  Political  and  Social  History  of  those  nations 
which  have  had  the  most  important  experience, — 
and  especially  of  our  own  country.  Thus  alone 
can  the  experience  of  the  past  be  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  needs  of  the  present;  thus  alone 
can  we  know  the  real  defeats  and  triumphs  of 
the  past,  so  that  we  may  avoid  such  defeats  and 
secure  such  triumphs  in  the  future. 


16 


In  the  next  place,  I would  urge  the  teaching 
of  Political  Economy,  in  its  largest  sense; — not  the 
mere  dogmas  of  this  or  that  school,  hut  rather 
the  comparative  study  of  the  general  principles 
of  the  science  as  laid  down  by  leading  thinkers 
of  various  schools;  and  to  this  end  I would  urge 
the  historical  study  of  the  science, — in  its  develop- 
ment,— in  its  progressive  adaptation  to  the  circum- 
stances of  various  nations.  Under  this  would 
come  questions  relating  to  national  and  State 
policy,  industrial,  commercial,  financial,  educa- 
tional,— to  the  relations  of  capital  to  labor,  and 
producers  to  distributers, — to  taxation  and  a mul- 
titude of  similar  subjects. 

Next,  I would  name  the  study  of  what  is 
generally  classed  as  Social  Science,  including  what 
pertains  to  the  causes,  prevention,  alleviation,  and 
cure  of  pauperism,  insanity  and  crime.  Nor  would 
I neglect  the  study  of  the  most  noted  theories  and 
plans  for  the  amelioration  of  society — the  argu- 
ments in  their  support,  the  causes  of  their  failure — 
and  I would  also  have  careful  investigation  into 
the  relations  of  various  bodies  and  classes  which 
now  apparently  threaten  each  other.  I would,  for 
example,  have  the  student  examine  the  reasons 
why  the  communistic  solution  of  the  labor  ques- 
tion has  failed,  and  why  the  cooperative  solution 
has  succeeded. 


17 


As  another  subject  of  great  importance,  I would 
name  the  general  principles  of  Jurisprudence,  and 
especially  those  principles  which  are  more  and 
more  making  their  way  in  modern  civilized 
nations.  The  advantage  of  this  is  evident.  Apart 
from  the  practical  uses  of  such  a study,  who  does 
not  feel  in  our  general  legislation  too  much  of 
the  attorney  and  too  little  of  the  Jurist? 

And  in  the  study  of  general  jurisprudence  I 
would  urge  the  comparative  and  historical  method; 
no  country  in  the  world  affords  so  fine  a field  for 
such  a method  as  our  own.  In  all  our  States 
political  experiments  are  making ; in  all  our 
legislatures  active-minded  men  are  applying  their 
solutions  to  the  problems  presented ; and  study 
of  the  comparative  legislation  of  our  own  States, 
if  supplemented  by  the  study  of  the  general  legis- 
lation of  other  countries,  could  not  fail  to  be  of 
vast  use  in  the  improvement  of  society. 

I would  also  have  instruction  given  in  the 
general  principles  of  International  Law.  In  the 
development  of  this  science  lies  much  of  happiness 
for  the  future  of  the  world.  But  there  is  an 
important  practical  interest.  While  the  injunc- 
tion of  the  Father  of  his  Country  to  avoid 
entangling  alliances  has  sunk  deep  into  the 
American  mind,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
before  this  nation  shall  have  attained  a hundred 
millions  of  inhabitants  our  diplomatic  relations 
3 


18 


with  many  other  countries  will  require  much 
more  serious  thought  than  now.  It  is  not  too 
soon  to  have  this  in  view. 

Happily  on  all  these  subjects,  and  especially 
within  the  present  century,  a vast  mass  of  pre- 
cious experience  and  thought  have  been  devel- 
oped ; many  of  the  strongest  men  of  the  century 
have  given  their  efforts  to  this.  When  Buckle 
says  that  Adam  Smith,  in  his  book,  rendered 
to  the  wmrld  the  greatest  services  that  any  one 
man  has  ever  thus  rendered,  whether  we  agree 
with  him  or  not  as  to  the  claim  of  his  hero,  we 
can  hardly  disagree  as  to  the  importance  of  the 
subject.  There  is  something  inspiring  in  this 
succession  of  great  thinkers  in  these  departments, 
who  have  as  their  object  the  amelioration  of 
society.  Even  to  take  the  most  recent  of  them,  a 
line  beginning  with  Adam  Smith,  and  continu- 
ing in  our  day  with  such  as  Sismondi,  Say,  Stuart 
Mill,  Roscher,  Carey,  Lieber  and  Woolsey,  can 
hardly  fail  to  afford  worthy  fields  for  study  and 
thought. 

In  the  thinking  of  such  men,  in  the  practice  of 
the  world  as  influenced  by  them,  there  is  much  to 
be  learned,  and  if  our  country  is  to  move  forward 
with  any  steadiness,  or  indeed,  if  it  is  to  lead  in 
any  particular  direction,  its  statesmen  must  be 
more  and  more  grounded  in  this  thinking  and 
this  practice. 


19 


The  question  now  arises  as  to  the  possibility  of 
establishing  a better  provision  in  our  advanced 
instruction.  I fully  believe  that  circumstances  are 
most  propitious,  and  for  the  following  reasons : 

First,  the  tendencies  of  large  numbers  of  active- 
minded  young  men  favor  it.  No  observing  pro- 
fessor in  any  college  has  failed  to  note  the  love 
of  young  Americans  for  the  study  and  discussion 
of  political  questions.  It  constantly  happens  that 
students  who  will  shirk  ordinary  scholastic  duties 
will  labor  hard  to  prepare  themselves  for  such  a 
discussion.  So  strong  is  this  tendency  that  col- 
lege authorities  have  often  taken  measures  to 
check  it.  These  measures  have,  to  a certain  ex- 
tent, succeeded,  yet  I cannot  but  think  that  it  is 
far  better  to  direct  such  discussions  than  to  check 
them.  They  seem  to  be  a healthy  outgrowth  of 
our  political  life.  I had  rather  send  forth  one 
well-trained  young  man,  sturdy  in  the  town-meet- 
ing, — patriotic  in  the  caucus,  — earnest  in  the 
Legislature,  than  a hundred  of  the  gorgeous  and 
gifted  young  cynics  who  lounge  about  clubs,  talk 
about  “Art  ” and  “ Culture,”  and  wonder  why 
the  country  persists  in  going  to  the  bad. 

The  second  thing  which  augurs  well  for  the 
proposed  reform  is  the  adaptability  to  it  of  our 
present  university  methods.  Not  many  years 
since  it  would  have  been  almost  impossible  to 
make  any  adequate  provision  for  these  studies. 


20 


Even  in  our  foremost  universities  the  old  colle- 
giate system  was  dominant ; each  college  had  its 
single  simple  course,  embracing  a little  Latin, 
Greek  and  mathematics,  with  a smattering  of  what 
were  known  as  the  physical,  intellectual  and  moral 
sciences. 

At  present,  the  tendency  is  more  and  more 
toward  university  methods, — toward  the  presenta- 
tion of  various  courses, — toward  giving  the  student 
more  freedom  of  choice  among  these.  When 
carefully  carried  out,  this  has  been  found  to  yield 
admirable  results,  and  the  fact  is  now  established 
that  large  numbers  of  young  men  who,  under  the 
old  system,  confined  rigidly  to  a single,  stereo- 
typed course,  would  have  wasted  the  greater  part 
of  their  time, — would  have  injured  the  quality  of 
their  minds  by  droning  over  their  books,  and 
injured  their  morals  by  slighting  their  duties, 
have  become,  when  allowed  to  take  courses  more 
fitted  to  their  tastes  and  aims,  energetic  students. 
The  same  reasons  which  have  caused  the  crea- 
tion of  university  courses,  in  which  the  principal 
studies  are  in  the  direction  of  philosophy,  science 
and  modern  literature,  are  valid  for  the  creation 
of  a course  in  which  the  studies  shall  relate  to 
that  science  and  literature  most  directly  bearing 
upon  public  life. 

And  here  I would  call  attention  to  the  recent 
experience  of  cotemporary  nations ; if  there  is 


21 


appeal  to  the  “ wisdom  of  our  ancestors”  to  hold 
us  back,  I will  appeal  to  the  wisdom  of  our  cotem- 
poraries to  urge  us  forward.  What  is  now  pro- 
posed is  no  longer  a new  thing.  In  Germany, 
for  many  years,  extended  courses  of  instruction 
in  history,  political  and  social  science  and  general 
jurisprudence  have  been  presented  in  various  uni- 
versities and  have  had  great  influence  for  good ; 
it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  want  of  practical 
political  instruction, — that  instruction  which  comes 
by  taking  part  directly  in  political  affairs,  has 
prevented  complete  and  well-founded  political 
development  in  Germany;  but  to  the  influence 
of  these  courses  is  due,  in  an  immense  degree, 
that  excellence  in  German  administration  which 
is  at  last  acknowledged  and  admired  by  the 
entire  world.  We  may  disbelieve  in  the  general 
theories  of  government  prevalent  among  the  Ger- 
mans, but  we  cannot  deny  the  excellence  of  their 
administration. 

Among  these  provisions  for  the  instruction  of 
men  to  take  part  in  public  affairs,  probably  the 
most  interesting  is  that  at  the  University  of 
Tubingen — a university  which  has  exercised  an 
influence,  probably  second  to  no  other,  upon  Ger- 
man thought  in  religion  and  politics. 

Several  years  ago,  far-seeing  statesmen  estab- 
lished there  a distinct  course  especially  devoted 
to  the  training  of  men  for  the  service  of  the  State ; 


men  entered  it  from  the  gymnasia  with  something 
less  than  the  preparation  with  which  they  enter 
the  second  year  of  our  best  American  colleges  and 
universities.  The  result  has  been  excellent.  In 
conversation  with  leading  men  in  southern  Ger- 
many, I have  not  found  one  who  did  not  ascribe  to 
that  and  similar  courses  a very  great  part  of  the 
present  efficiency  in  the  German  administration. 

That  instruction  is  not  the  breeding  of  doctri- 
naires ; it  is  large  and  free  ; the  experience  of  the 
whole  world  is  laid  under  contribution  for  the 
building  up  of  its  students.  To  learn  how  democ- 
racy is  solving  its  problems,  one  of  these  uni- 
versities sends  to  our  country,  one  of  its  most 
gifted  professors — one  from  whom  thoughtful 
men  on  this  side  the  Atlantic  have  been  glad  to 
learn  the  history  of  their  own  country.  The  lec- 
tures of  Yon  Holst,  as  delivered  here,  and  his 
writings  upon  our  history,  are  sufficient  to  show 
that  this  instruction  in  the  German  universities 
is  given  in  a large  way,  and  is  not  made  a means 
of  fettering  thought. 

The  same  thing  is  seen  in  France.  Whatever 
may  be  said  of  the  political  mistakes  that  have 
been  made  in  that  country,  many  of  which  are 
directly  traceable  to  the  want  of  education  in  the 
mass  of  the  people,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the 
internal  administration  of  the  country  is  con- 
ducted with  great  ability,  and  its  ordinary  legis- 


23 


lation  with  great  foresight.  The  financial  errors, 
which  in  times  gone  by,  have  cost  France  so  dear, 
and  which  since  have  been  so  ruinous  to  other 
nations,  have  been  skillfully  avoided  during  this 
century.  The  wretched  mistakes  of  the  past  in 
the  creation  of  charitable  institutions  inadequately 
studied,  are  rare  indeed.  It  is  common  to  ascribe 
the  speedy  recovery  of  France  from  various  catas- 
trophes to  the  subdivision  of  land  among  her 
people.  This  is  doubtless  an  important  factor  in 
her  success,  but  it  is  by  no  means  all.  To  the 
trained  foresight  of  her  statesmen  is,  in  very 
great  measure,  due  that  stimulus  to  the  produc- 
tion of  wealth  and  that  recuperative  power  after 
disaster  which  have  astonished  the  world  within 
the  last  ten  years. 

To  these  results  have  contributed  in  no  small 
degree  the  courses  at  the  College  of  France.  At 
that  institution  a knot  of  men  have  been  giving 
the  highest  historical  and  political  instruction. 
In  the  centre  stands  Laboulaye,  who  during  many 
years,  delivered  lectures  not  only  upon  general 
political  history,  and  especially  the  constitutional 
history  of  the  United  States,  but  upon  compara- 
tive legislation.  In  various  other  French  insti- 
tutions of  learning  thinking  men  have  been 
treating  of  every  stirring  political  and  social 
question,  presenting  the  best  thoughts  of  the  past 
and  present. 


24 


Within  the  past  few  years  another  important 
institution  has  been  created  in  France — the  Free 
School  of  Political  Science — at  the  head  of  which 
Monsieur  Boutmy  has  gathered  a body  of  men, 
thoughtful  and  energetic.  In  talking  with  the 
professors  and  students  recently,  I was  struck  with 
the  earnestness  of  their  purpose  and  the  clearness 
of  their  vision.  If,  in  the  lecture-rooms  of  the 
College  of  France,  at  various  visits  during  the 
last  twenty-five  years,  I have  admired  the  impulse 
given  to  general  political  thinking,  I have  admired 
not  less  in  the  Free  School  of  Political  Science, 
the  directness  with  which  the  best  thought  is 
applied  to  cases  immediately  before  the  nation. 

More  than  this,  the  French  Government  has 
taken  pains  that  political  instruction  shall  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  men  in  training  for  the  great 
industries  of  the  country;  rarely  have  I seen  an 
audience  more  attentive  than  the  students  of  the 
School  of  Arts  and  Trades  at  Paris  in  the  lecture- 
room  of  Professor  Levasseur. 

A similar  progress  is  to  be  seen  among  the 
universities  of  Italy.  In  a second  visit  recently 
made  to  several  of  these  institutions,  and  among 
others,  those  of  Naples,  Pisa,  Padua  and  Bologna, 
I found  a new  scholastic  atmosphere.  When,  over 
twenty  years  ago,  I entered  some  of  them  for  the 
first  time,  I was  struck  with  the  listlessness,  the 
trifling,  the  dalliance  with  what  may  be  called 


25 


the  mere  fringes  of  civilization,  and,  as  a con- 
sequence, the  stifling  of  vigorous  thought;  hut 
as  I stood  again  last  year  in  those  lecture- 
rooms, — in  the  midst  of  a crowd  of  young  men 
intently  listening  to  lectures  upon  history  and 
political  economy,  I could  see  that  Rossi,  Set- 
tembrini,  Villari,  and  their  compeers,  had  not 
labored  in  vain, — that  the  country  was  aroused  to 
the  necessity  of  training  up  a body  of  men  fitted 
to  continue  the  work  of  Cavour,  D’Azeglio  and 
Ratazzi. 

The  same  thing  is  evident  in  the  English  uni- 
versities. Perhaps  in  none  is  the  change  so 
striking.  As  a boy  just  out  of  college,  I made 
my  first  visit  to  them  twenty-five  years  since. 
The  provision  for  instruction  in  political  and 
social  science,  to  say  nothing  of  the  natural 
sciences,  was  virtually  nil.  Now,  although  those 
institutions  fall  short  of  what  they  should  be, 
the  influence  of  such  men  as  Thomas  Arnold, 
Sir  James  Stephen,  Groldwin  Smith,  Charles  Kings- 
ley, Thorold  Rogers,  Jevons,  Fawcett,  Stubbs, 
Bryce  and  their  associates,  is  telling  for  good  on 
the  generation  which  is  beginning  to  take  hold 
of  public  affairs. 

The  wisdom  of  our  cotemporaries,  then,  is  in 
favor  of  an  advance  in  the  direction  proposed. 

I come  now  to  the  methods  of  such  reforma- 
tion. I would  preface  them  by  saying  that,  as 
4 


26 


regards  our  system  of  instruction  at  large  in 
the  public  schools,  it  seems  to  me  that  more 
instruction  should  be  given  in  general  history, 
especially  through  political  biography,  and  in 
the  history  of  our  own  country,  as  well  as  some 
training  in  the  outlines  of  elements  of  political 
science.  But  on  this  I will  not  dwell ; we  are 
chiefly  concerned  now  with  the  methods  of  this 
reform  in  advanced  instruction, — in  the  higher 
preparation  of  those  who  are  to  instruct  and 
lead  in  political  and  social  matters. 

Of  these  methods,  I would  name,  first,  a post- 
graduate course.  In  this  there  is  one  considera- 
ble advantage.  Students  would  come  to  it  at 
ripe  age  and  with  considerable  preliminary  in- 
struction. This  advantage  I do  not  underrate ; 
no  better  use  of  funds  could  be  made  for  our 
universities  or  for  the  country  than  in  endow- 
ing post-graduate  lectureships  and  fellowships  in 
the  main  subjects  involved.  I would  urge  this 
method  upon  every  man  of  wealth  who  wishes 
to  leave  a fame  which  will  not  rot  with  his  body. 

But,  valuable  as  this  plan  is,  it  has  one  great 
disadvantage — it  is  insufficient.  The  number  of 
those  who  could  afford  the  time  and  expense  for 
such  a course  after  an  extended  school  and  college 
and  university  training,  and  before  a course  of 
professional  study,  is  comparatively  small ; besides 
this,  we  must  take  into  account  American 
impatience. 


27 


While,  then,  the  plan  of  post-graduate  courses 
would  doubtless  result  in  great  good,  it  would  fall 
far  short  of  the  work  required.  It  would  doubtless 
provide  many  valuable  leaders  in  thought,  but  not 
enough  to  exercise  the  wide  influence  needed  in 
such  a nation  as  ours. 

The  second  method,  then,  which  I propose  is 
the  establishment  in  each  of  our  most  important 
colleges  and  universities  of  a full  under-graduate 
course,  which,  while  including  studies  in  science 
and  literature  for  general  culture  and  discipline, 
shall  have  as  its  main  subjects,  history,  political 
and  social  science  and  general  jurisprudence. 

A great  advantage  of  this  plan  is  the  large  num- 
ber of  students  who  would  certainly  profit  by  it. 

I am  convinced,  by  observation  in  four  different 
colleges  and  universities  with  which  I have  been 
connected  as  student  and  professor,  in  our  own 
country,  and  in  several  with  which  I have  had 
more  or  less  to  do  in  foreign  countries,  that  such 
a course  in  any  institution,  properly  equipped,  will 
attract  large  numbers  of  our  most  energetic  young 
men,  many  of  those  who  would  not  otherwise  enter 
college  at  all ; and  that  it  would  give  forth  a large 
body  of  graduates  whose  influence  would  be  felt  for 
good  in  all  our  States  and  Territories. 

My  proposal  is  that  these  studies,  which  are  now 
mainly  crowded  into  a few  last  months  of  the  usual 
college  course,  be  made  the  staple  of  an  entire  four 


28 


years’  course ; — that  they  be  made  a means  of 
discipline,  a means  of  culture,  a means  for  the 
acquisition  of  profitable  knowledge. 

Objections  will  of  course  be  urged.  There  will 
probably  be  none  from  any  quarter  against  the 
post-graduate  course ; they  will  be  entirely  against 
the  establishment  of  a full  under-graduate  course. 

The  first  objection  will  doubtless  be  an  appeal 
to  conservatism.  This  must  be  expected  from  a 
multitude  of  excellent  men,  who  generally  look 
backward  instead  of  forward ; who  think  the  past 
was  on  the  whole  good  enough ; who  dislike 
change ; who,  when  they  have  become  accustomed 
to  a system  and  fitted  to  it,  instinctively  dis- 
like a new  system  to  which  they  may  possibly 
find  themselves  not  so  well  fitted.  Their  stand- 
ing argument  will  be  that  the  men  who  have 
achieved  high  political  knowledge  in  spite  of  the 
present  system,  have  done  so  by  means  of  it. 

A second  and  more  precise  objection  will  be 
on  the  score  of  “discipline.”  Perhaps  no  word  has 
been  so  unfortunate  in  American  instruction  as 
this.  It  has  been  made  the  fortress  of  every 
educational  absurdity.  In  this  particular  case 
we  may  ask  why  are  not  studies  of  political  and 
social  questions  fully  equal  to  any  others  in  giving 
discipline  ? They  call  out  our  intellectual  powers 
in  discussing  problems  of  the  deepest  human 
import;  they  bring  into  play  our  higher  moral 


29 


powers  in  judging  between  plans  of  institutions 
and  lines  of  conduct  on  the  plane  of  right  and 
duty. 

I claim  for  the  studies  in  the  course  proposed 
an  especial  value  in  discipline.  Any  worthy 
discussion  in  political  economy  and  social  science 
gives  valuable  discipline  for  concentration  and 
directness  of  mind ; any  proper  discussion  in 
history  gives  a discipline  for  breadth  of  mind : 
and  these  two  sorts  of  discipline  are  fully 
equal  to  any  given  in  any  other  courses  of  in- 
struction. 

It  may  also  be  objected  by  men  devoted  to 
physical  sciences,  that  the  powers  of  observation 
should  be  trained.  In  answer  to  this,  it  is  suf- 
ficient to  point  out  many  men  who,  in  political 
studies,  have  gained  as  great  quickness  in  obser- 
vation as  can  be  found  in  any  class  of  scientific 
men.  It  is  hard  to  see  why  the  observing  powers 
of  Montesquieu  and  John  Stuart  Mill  and  Francis 
Lieber,  were  not  as  highly  trained  as  those  of 
Cuvier  and  Huxley  and  Agassiz. 

The  next  objection  will  probably  be  on  the  score 
of  culture.  In  this  objection  I see  no  force,  be- 
cause it  is  perfectly  possible  to  bring  studies  for 
culture  into  the  course  proposed;  nay,  it  is  indis- 
pensable to  bring  in  studies  of  at  least  one  or 
two  languages  of  the  great  modern  States,  or 
their  masterpieces  in  literature  and  art,  while  as 


30 


to  that  culture  which  comes  from  a knowledge 
of  nature  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  give  good  in- 
struction in  scientific  methods  and  results. 

Again,  it  may  be  urged  that  young  men  are 
not  mature  enough  and  not  sufficiently  instructed 
to  take  up  such  studies  on  entering  college.  I 
answer  that  it  is  not  proposed  to  admit  young 
men  to  these  courses  without  reasonable  prepara- 
tion, nor  is  it  proposed,  during  the  first  year  of 
such  a course,  to  plunge  the  student  into  the 
most  difficult  parts  of  it.  He  will  be  brought  to 
these  gradually  by  preliminary  studies,  properly 
combined  with  the  subjects  having  as  their 
aim  general  discipline  and  culture.  The  same 
objection  could  be  made  with  equal  force 
against  any  scientific  course,  or  any  course  in 
philosophy. 

But  granting  that  the  objection  has  some  force, 
the  question  is  not  what  is  ideally  the  best  course, 
it  is  simply  what  is  the  best  course  possible ; 
and  experience  shows  that  only  under-graduate 
courses  of  the  sort  proposed  will  give  any  such 
great  number  of  well-trained  men  as  we  require. 
Against  these  objections  should  be  constantly 
kept  in  view  the  main  advantage,  which  is  the 
large  number  of  students  who  would  certainly 
take  such  a course. 

But  objections  will  be  made  on  more  general 
grounds. 


31 


The  first  may  be  called  the  optimist  objection, — 
that  the  people  can  be  entrusted  to  enlighten 
themselves, — that  they  are  directly  interested,  and 
that  self-restraint  is  a most  powerful  stimulus, — 
that  the  world  has  improved  steadily  and  will 
continue  to  do  so.  This  is  partly  true.  No  one 
can  deny  that  self-interest  is  a most  powerful 
stimulus,  but  the  point  is  to  give  more  of  that 
education  which  shall  enable  men  to  find  out 
where  their  real  self-interest  is. 

As  to  the  fact  that  the  world  has  improved 
steadily,  I do  not  deny  it,  but  simply  observe 
that  this  is  a question  of  cost. 

For  did  you  ever  think  what  a fearful  price 
has  been  paid  hitherto  for  the  simplest  advances 
in  political  and  social  science  when  achieved  by 
the  gradual  growth  of  the  popular  mind?  Take 
a few  examples  out  of  many. 

Before  England  could  learn  what  are  to-day 
the  simplest  things  in  the  proper  adjustment  of 
legislative  and  executive  powers,  the  nation  was 
dragged  through  a fearful  civil  war — through  a 
long  period  of  consequent  demoralization — one 
king  losing  his  head  and  another  his  crown. 
Before  France,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  could 
understand  the  simplest  relations  between  her  in- 
dustrial policy  and  that  of  neighboring  States — 
before  she  could  realize  that  workmen  on  one 
side  of  a frontier  are  not  necessarily  the  enemies 


32 


of  those  on  the  other  side,  but  rather  helpers 
and  co-workers — she  was  dragged  through  a 
series  of  wars  which  brought  her  to  utter  ruin. 
Before,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  she  could  learn 
what  are  now  the  axioms  of  political  science 
applied  to  taxation,  she  had  to  go  through  a 
period  of  revolution,  a period  of  anarchy,  two 
periods  of  bankruptcy,  two  periods  of  despot- 
ism, with  endless  shedding  of  blood  upon  scaffolds 
and  battle-fields  and  street  pavements.  Before 
the  world  learned  to  accept  the  simplest  modern 
axioms  of  toleration  at  the  treaties  of  Passau  and 
Westphalia,  rivers  of  blood  flowed  through  every 
great  nation  in  Europe.  Before  the  Prussian 
State  could  learn  to  allow  political  thinkers  like 
Stein  to  study  out  and  work  out  the  problem  of 
her  adjustment  to  modern  ideas  she  had  to  be 
crushed  in  battle,  humbled  in  the  dust  by  diplo- 
macy and  to  go  through  ten  years  of  waste  and 
war.  Before  the  Austrian  empire  could  learn  the 
principal  relations  of  education  to  public  policy 
several  generations  had  to  be  taught  by  military 
humiliations,  and,  among  these,  Austerlitz,  Ma- 
genta and  Sadowa.  Before  Italy  could  work  out 
the  problem  of  political  unity  there  came  three 
hundred  years  of  internal  suffering ; and  possibly 
the  future  historian  may  point  to  a case  hardly 
less  striking  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Is  it 
at  least  not  worth  an  heroic  effort  to  substi- 


33 


tute  a thorough  education  reaching  many  of  those 
who  are  to  lead  in  public  affairs  and  so  reach- 
ing the  people  themselves — an  education  in  the 
observation  of  human  experience  and  in  rea- 
soning upon  it — in  the  hope  that  we  may 
hereafter  make  progress  at  something  less  than 
the  fearful  price  which  the  world  has  hereto- 
fore paid? 

I confess  that  I am  sanguine  enough  to  hope 
that  with  more  complete  extension  of  political 
and  social  knowledge,  with  some  training  for  bet- 
ter discussion  of  important  political  and  social 
problems,  the  world  may  in  the  future  begin  to 
advance  without  paying  the  appalling  cost  for 
progress  which  she  has  paid  and  is  still  paying. 
But  to  bring  this  about  there  must  be  effort. 
Problems  are  arising  at  this  moment  before  us 
as  fearful  as  any  that  have  disappeared  behind 
us.  The  question  between  capital  and  labor, 
alone  is  enough  to  exercise  our  best  thought ; 
it  can  easily  give  rise  to  scenes  as  fearful  as 
any  in  history.  The  question  is  whether  such 
problems  shall  be  solved  by  observant,  patient, 
well-trained  men,  looking  over  large  fields  of 
experience,  applying  to  them  the  best  thought, 
or  whether  they  shall  be  dealt  with  by  dec- 
lamation, passion,  demagoguism,  trickery,  nay, 
by  the  torch,  the  rifle  and  the  gallows. 

5 


34 


Next  comes  the  pessimist  argument ; it  will  be 
said  “ the  greatest  factor  in  Republican  develop- 
ment is  personal  force,  the  people  will  elect  men 
of  will-power ; they  will  not  elect  your  men  of 
study  and  thought.” 

My  answer  is,  first,  that  the  effort  in  our  pro- 
posed course  is  to  lay  hold  on  some  of  these  men 
of  personal  force  and  will-power,  to  bring  them 
into  the  harness  of  real  statesmanship  rather 
than  to  leave  them  tethered  by  crotchets  and 
half-truths. 

But  suppose  all  our  men  of  study  and  thought 
are  not  elected,  official  positions  are  not  the  only 
means  of  influence  ; pen  and  tongue  are  often  most 
powerful  outside  of  official  positions. 

What  we  want  is  training  for  public  service 
among  men  of  various  sorts  of  power,  some  in 
office,  some  in  the  press,  some  in  the  pulpit, 
some  in  the  ordinary  vocations  of  life. 

In  all  these,  we  need  men  so  trained  that  when 
a new  question  comes  up,  not  only  law-makers, 
but  citizens  in  general,  may  be  put  in  the  way  of 
right  reasoning  upon  it ; especially  in  times  of 
excitement  or  doubt  or  distrust,  do  we  need  such 
men  to  lead  the  thinking  of  the  community 
against  political  zealots,  or  social  desperadoes. 

The  time  is  surely  coming,  predicted  in 
Macaulay’s  letter  to  Gen.  Randall — the  time 
when  disheartened  populations  will  hear  brilliant 


35 


preaching  subversive  of  the  whole  system  of 
social  order. 

How  shall  this  be  met;  think  you  that  you 
can  meet  it  by  force?  How  by  force  where  all 
is  decided  by  majorities?  Will  you  meet  it  by 
denunciation  ? — hardly,  two  can  play  at  that, 
and  while  you  have  the  disadvantage  of  property 
to  be  destroyed,  your  opponents  have  the  advant- 
age of  torches  to  destroy  it.  Will  you  meet 
it  by  revolution? — as  Danton  said,  the  revolu- 
tion like  Saturn  destroys  its  own  offspring.  Will 
you  meet  it  by  Csesarism? — the  first  thing  that 
Csesar  always  does  is  to  distribute  bread  and 
pageants  to  the  mob,  and  rob  you  to  pay  for 
them. 

All  these  methods,  history  shows  to  be  futile ; 
the  only  safeguard  is  in  thorough  provision  for 
the  checking  of  popular  unreason,  and  for  the 
spreading  of  right  reason;  you  must  provide 
that  when  a brilliant  lie  starts  forth  it  shall  be 
struck  quickly  and  mortally,  and  before  its 
venom  has  reached  the  social  heart  and  brain. 

To  do  this  you  want  men  trained  to  grapple 
with  political  questions  in  every  part  of  society. 
Do  you  think  that  such  gladiators  in  subver- 
sive thought  as  Proudhon,  Carl  lvlarx,  Ferdi- 
nand Lasalle  and  Bradlaugh,  can  be  met  with 
platitudes ; — in  the  coming  grapple  with  their 
apostles  you  will  find  need  of  your  best  trained 


36 


athletes.  Do  you  trust  to  the  subdivision  of 
land  in  our  country  and  the  large  number  of 
small  proprietors ; — so  has  it  been  in  France  for 
eighty  years,  and  yet  she  has  not  escaped ; — so 
is  it  in  that  part  of  our  country  where  the  mut- 
terings  of  confiscation  and  overturn  are  most 
loudly  heard  at  this  moment. 

What  ^e  need  is  not  talk,  but  discussion. 

Within  the  past  few  years  we  have  seen  the 
uses  of  such  discussion.  Many  of  us  have  seen 
political  heresies,  some  wild,  some  contemptible 
put  forth  with  force,  with  brilliancy, — even,  at 
times  with  sincerity.  In  some  quarters  they  have 
swept  all  before  them ; but,  wherever  they  have 
been  met  vigorously  by  men  fully  able  to  grapple 
with  them,  they  have  been  throttled,  and  the 
tide  running  in  their  favor  has  generally  been 
turned. 

If  it  be  said  that  this  has  not  constantly  been 
the  case,  my  reply  is  that  under  our  present 
system  you  have  no  right  to  expect  it.  You 
cannot  expect  two  or  three  men  to  breast  the 
tide  in  a State  containing  millions  of  inhabit- 
ants, when  such  mistaken  views  are  spreading 
like  wildfire ; and  yet  what  has  been  done  in 
some  of  our  States  by  two  or  three  men  of  force 
and  thought,  shows  that  if  a small  percentage 
of  our  college  graduates  had  been  as  thoroughly 
instructed  as  these  two  or  three,  these  heresies 


37 


would  have  been  met  at  the  outset,  and  would 
never  have  attained  dangerous  proportions. 

It  may  be  objected  that  such  a system  of 

instruction  would  give  us  doctrinaires.  Those 
who  make  this  objection  misread  history.  Doc- 
trinaires are  created  where  theoretical  poli- 

tics are  divorced  from  vigorous  political  life, 
where  practical  training  and  theoretical  training 
are  not  at  the  same  time  present  to  modify 

each  other.  The  French  doctrinaires  arose  at 
a time  when  there  was  political  discussion 

among  a small  knot  of  scholars,  but  no  practical 
political  life  in  the  nation  at  large.  The  same 
thing  was  true  until  recently  in  Germany,  and 
it  has  been  true  in  Italy  from  the  days  of 
Machiavelli  to  the  days  of  Cavour.  It  is  true 
to-day  in  Russia,  hence  Nihilism,  with  all  its 
miseries ; but  we  look  in  vain  for  any  perceptible 
influence  of  doctrinairism  in  England ; there 
political  theory  has  never  run  away  with  leaders ; 
it  has  been  constantly  modified  by  political 
practice.  Edmund  Burke  was  a close  student 
of  principles  and  theories,  but  who  that  has  read 
his  speech  on  American  Conciliation  does  not  see 
that  he  justly  claimed  to  be  a more  practical 
statesman  than  any  of  his  compeers,  who  trusted 
merely  to  instinct  and  what  is  called  sound  sense. 
Had  Thomas  Jefferson  remained  in  France  he 
would  doubtless  have  been  a doctrinaire ; as  it 


38 


was  we  have  in  him  a wonderful  union  of  theo- 
retical and  practical  training — Rousseau  modified 
by  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  The  strength 
of  the  great  men  who  gave  this  republic  its  political 
foundations,  lay  in  the  fact  that  no  practical  men 
ever  studied  theory  and  principles  more  thoroughly 
than  they.  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  John  Adams,  were 
close  students  of  political  principles  and  political 
history:  Franklin  and  Washington,  acute  students 
of  cotemporary  political  history. 

Besides  this,  the  doctrinaires  are  by  no  means 
all  on  the  theoretical  side.  There  are  not  a few 
upon  the  practical  side.  The  public  speeches  of 
some  of  our  statesmen  will  give  examples  of  the 
doctrinairism  of  practical  men,  quite  as  absurd 
as  anything  put  forth  by  men  of  theory. 

Moreover,  in  the  system  of  instruction  pro- 
posed, I would  take  effective  means  of  prevent- 
ing pedantry  and  doctrinairism  by  bringing  in 
a constant  circulation  of  healthful  political 
thought  from  the  outside.  Much  instruction 
should  be  given  by  lecturers  holding  their  posi- 
tions for  short  terms.  These  lecturers  should 
be  chosen,  so  far  as  possible,  from  men  who 
take  part  in  public  life  practically  while  not 
giving  up  the  study  of  principles. 

Such  will  doubtless  be  the  main  objections  to 
the  plan  proposed.  They  have  been  made  in 
opposition  to  the  same  system  in  other  countries, 
but  the  result  has  refuted  them. 


39 


The  influence  of  a better  system  on  this  coun- 
try, we  should  doubtless  see  first  in  the  press. 
For  the  past  ten  years  there  has  been  a strik- 
ing tendency  among  our  most  active  young 
men  towards  the  profession  of  journalism.  The 
difference  of  feeling  regarding  such  a career 
between  the  great  body  of  students  to-day 
and  those  of  twenty  years  since  is  one  of  the 
curious  things  in  the  history  of  thought  in 
America. 

The  press  would  doubtless  reveal  the  influence 
of  this  new  education  in  quick,  compact,  thorough 
discussion  of  important  subjects.  It  is  not  too 
much  to  hope  that  there  would  be  much  less 
declamation,  defamation  and  sensation  writing, 
and  much  more  vigorous  reasoning. 

Said  a leading  editor  to  me : “ Hundreds  of 
young  men  seek  place  with  us  who  can  write 
poetry,  stories,  literary  criticisms,  for  one  who  can 
take  up  living  questions  and  write  on  them  with 
knowledge,  thoroughness,  brevity  and  point.” 

It  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that  the  education 
proposed  would  at  least  change  this  ratio. 

We  should  doubtless  next  see  this  influence 
in  the  lower  strata  of  public  life ; the  young  man 
who,  on  arriving  from  college  and  from  his  pro- 
fessional course,  could  supply  really  valuable  in- 
formation, and  make  a straightforward  argument 
upon  living  political  and  social  questions,  even 


40 


in  a Board  of  Supervisors  or  Town  Meeting,  would 
take  the  first  step  in  an  honorable  career.  The 
character  of  our  people  is  especially  favorable  to 
this ; no  people  in  the  world  so  quickly  recognize 
a man  who  can  stimulate  valuable  thought,  no 
country  so  open  to  the  influence  of  facts  cogently 
presented.  Even  if  such  men  arrive  sometimes  at 
wrong  conclusions,  as  doubtless  they  would,  the 
habit  of  discussing  questions  with  more  thorough 
knowledge  and  with  closer  reasoning,  could  not 
fail  to  be  of  vast  use ; it  would  be  found  that 
political  science,  like  other  sciences,  may  be  made 
to  progress  almost  as  much  by  mistaken  reason- 
ing, if  it  only  be  real,  as  by  correct  reasoning. 
Quesnay,  Turgot  and  the  French  physiocrats,  by 
their  errors  as  well  as  their  truths,  stimulated 
Adam  Smith,  Ricardo,  John  Stuart  Mill  and  the 
English  economists,  and  these  in  their  turn,  by 
their  half  truths  as  well  as  truths,  stimulated  List, 
Carey,  Roscher,  Wells  and  the  Grerman  and 
American  economists ; the  only  thing  that  per- 
manently hinders  the  growth  of  any  science  is 
dogmatism, — the  substitution  of  inherited  opin- 
ions for  real  thought,  of  conventionalism  for 
observation.  Real  thinking,  however  wrong  some 
of  its  conclusions  may  have  been  tempora- 
rily, has  always  helped  on  mankind  in  the  long 


run. 


41 


Next  we  should  doubtless  see  the  influence  of 
such  instruction  upon  our  legislative  bodies  of  all 
grades.  Even  your  strong  untutored  men,  who  rise 
by  virtue  of  rough,  uncultured,  native  force  and 
will-power,  would  feel  strongly  its  influence  even 
though  they  never  came  under  it  directly.  Better 
observations,  better  modes  of  thinking,  better 
ideas,  would  become  common  property,  they 
would  become  an  element  in  the  political  at- 
mosphere, and  your  rude  statesman  of  the 
future  could  not  but  feel  its  influence ; thereby 
would  he  be  stimulated  to  think  more  and  to 
orate  less. 

Nor  should  we  forget  the  influence  of  such 
instruction  upon  the  universities  themselves.  It 
would  make  them  far  greater  powers  in  the  for- 
mation of  public  opinion,  therefore  of  far  greater 
importance  in  public  estimation.  The  present 
state  of  things  is  certainly  not  very  encouraging 
to  university  officers.  They  know  too  well  that 
their  graduates  have  not  taken  that  place  in  the 
conduct  of  public  affairs  which  their  education 
would  seem  to  warrant.  Young  men  who  have 
received  so  much  greater  advantages  than  others 
should,  one  would  think,  exercise  much  greater 
influence  than  others. 

Unfortunately,  statistics  carefully  collected,  show 
that  the  relative  number  of  college  graduates  in 
the  executive  and  legislative  positions  of  the  coun- 
6 


42 


try  has  been  diminishing  for  many  years.  The 
main  reason  for  this  is,  probably,  that  the  ma- 
jority of  college  students,  under  the  present  sys- 
tem, while  obtaining  their  education,  have  been 
separated  from  the  current  of  practical  politics, 
and  have  not  secured,  to  compensate  for  this 
separation,  any  education  in  practical  politics. 
During  four  years  in  college,  as  well  as  four  or 
five  years  preparation  for  college,  they  have  been 
studying  matters,  often  useful  for  culture,  often 
important  for  discipline ; but  all  this,  so  far  as 
public  influence  is  concerned,  leaves  them  fre- 
quently at  the  first  public  meeting  they  attend, 
or  the  first  public  body  in  which  they  sit,  infe- 
rior to  many  who  have  never  enjoyed  these 
advantages. 

We  have  heard  much  of  our  educated  men 
keeping  aloof  from  politics.  I fully  believe  that 
were  scholarly  young  men  trained  steadily  in 
political  questions  from  the  outset,  they  would 
enter  public  life  at  such  an  advantage  that  this 
charge  would  be  brought  to  naught.  And  here, 
if  there  be  any  young  men  present,  as  I trust 
there  may  be,  ambitious  to  take  part  in  public 
life,  let  me  say  a word  to  them. 

In  nothing  that  I have  said,  do  I mean  to  hint 
in  the  slightest  degree  that  studies  of  theory  will 
ever  give  any  substitute  for  practical  knowledge, 
they  will  only  supplement  it. 


43 


Read  and  study  in  political  science  and  general 
jurisprudence  as  thoroughly  as  you  can;  lay  as 
good  a basis  as  possible  in  these  sciences,  but 
get  practical  knowledge  by  all  means  in  your 
power.  As  early  in  your  career  as  possible  get 
yourself  placed,  if  you  can,  on  grand  and  petit 
juries.  De  Tocqueville  was  right  when  he  pointed 
out  jury  duty  as  a great  means  of  political  edu- 
cation in  this  republic.  Early,  too,  in  your  career, 
study  men  and  things  in  town  meetings,  county 
boards  and  school  boards.  A man  who  proves 
himself  good  in  these  will  soon  prove  himself 
fit  for  higher  bodies.  But  at  the  same  time  that 
you  thus  keep  in  relations  with  ordinary  think- 
ing, do  something  by  reading  and  thought  to 
keep  yourself  abreast  with  the  highest  thinking 
on  political  and  social  subjects.  Even  if  you 
have  not  much  time,  you  can  catch  an  hour  now 
and  then  to  dip  into  John  Stuart  Mill,  or  Ros- 
cher,  or  Jevons,  or  Carey,  or  Lieber,  or  Woolsey, 
or  at  least  to  read  good  compact  review  articles 
from  the  best  political  thinkers  — articles  such 
as  those  now  published  in  our  North  American 
and  International  Review  and  in  the  English  Nine- 
teenth Century , and  Contemporary  and  Fortnightly 
Reviews. 

The  good  results  of  such  courses  as  I now  pro- 
pose wdll  be  speedily  seen  then,  not  only  in  the 
nation  at  large,  but  in  the  universities  adopting 


44 


them.  Such  institutions  could  hardly  fail  to 
increase  their  numbers.  Many  young  men,  who 
do  not  go  to  college  now,  but  who,  on  leaving 
preparatory  schools,  enter  at  once  upon  profes- 
sional study,  would  think  it  worth  their  while  to 
take  a course  embracing  studies  for  which  they 
have  taste,  and  fitting  them  for  duties  for  which 
they  have  ambition. 

From  every  point  of  view,  then, — in  the  inter- 
est of  individual  students,  many  of  whom  would 
find  scope  for  their  powers  which  they  do  not 
find  in  the  existing  courses — in  the  interests  of 
the  universities  themselves,  which  might  attract 
to  their  halls  numbers  of  energetic  young  men, 
who  now  stand  aloof  from  them — and  above  all, 
in  the  interests  of  State  and  national  legislation, 
I urge  that  such  courses  be  established. 

In  looking  over  the  whole  field  of  education  in 
the  light  of  our  experience  and  that  of  other 
nations,  I see  no  better  object  for  the  earnest 
efforts  of  those  called  upon  to  administer  our 
greater  institutions  for  advanced  education.  I 
am  well  aware  that  few,  if  any,  have  means 
enough,  even  for  the  present  courses.  It  is  thus 
a case  for  the  exercise  of  American  munificence. 
Here  there  is  reason  to  hope  for  much.  In  the 
Old  World,  with  its  systems  of  primogeniture 
and  its  means  of  entailing  fortunes,  men  of  great 
wealth  can  found  families  and  hand  their  prop- 


45 


erty  down  to  remote  generations.  So  it  is  not 
in  our  own  land ; the  great  fortune  of  the  first 
generation  rarely  lasts  farther  than  the  third. 
While,  then,  some  reason  exists  there  for  hoard- 
ing enormous  sums  for  heirs,  here  there  is  none, 
and  to  this  fact  are  doubtless  due  many  acts  of 
munificence  which  have  honored  the  American 
name,  and  blessed  the  country.  Let  us  hope 
that  it  will  not  be  the  ambition  of  our  wealthy 
men  to  become  the  fatty  tumors  of  society,  ab- 
normal growths,  accumulating  fortunes  which  are, 
at  best,  to  be  only  reabsorbed  into  the  ordinary 
business  channels,  but  that  they  will  see  the  duty 
and  the  honor  lying  before  them ; that  in  mak- 
ing provision  for  the  higher  education  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  especially  in  those  branches 
which  insure  better  government  and  a higher  type 
of  citizenship,  they  will  rear  monuments  more 
lasting  than  statues  of  bronze  or  obelisks  of 
granite.  On  such  imperishable  monuments  already 
stand  the  names  of  Harvard,  Yale,  Smithson,  Pea- 
body, Cooper,  Packer,  Johns  Hopkins,  Cornell, 
Sage,  Vassar,  Wells,  McGraw,  Sibley  and  their 
noble  compeers.  Let  us  hope  that  worthy  suc- 
cessors of  these  may  arise  to  provide  upon  the 
foundations  already  laid  by  our  stronger  univer- 
sities an  instruction  worthy  of  the  nation, 
in  History,  Political  and  Social  Science  and 
General  Jurisprudence. 


THIRD  ANNIVERSARY  EXERCISES. 


The  third  Anniversary  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University 
was  celebrated  in  the  Academy  of  Music,  February  22,  1879. 
Upon  the  platform  were  seated  the  Trustees  and  Faculty,  the 
Governor  of  the  State,  the  Mayor  of  the  city,  and  represen- 
tatives of  the  literary  and  scientific  institutions  in  Maryland 
and  the  District  of  Columbia. 

After  a prayer  by  the  Bev.  Dr.  Hodges,  the  following 
statement  was  read  by  the  Hon.  George  W.  Dobbin,  on 
behalf  of  the  Board  of  Trustees: 

Statement. 

Three  years  ago  in  this  place  and  on  this  holiday,  the  Trustees 
of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  announced  their  plans  for  the 
organization  of  an  institution,  founded  without  ecclesiastical  or 
civil  aid  by  the  liberality  of  Johns  Hopkins,  a merchant  of  Bal- 
timore. Since  then,  they  have  brought  together  a faculty  now 
including  nineteen  professors  and  associates;  they  have  bestowed 
Fellowships  on  thirty-nine  young  men  from  seventeen  different 
States,  several  of  whom  have  become  teachers  in  literary  and 
scientific  institutions;  they  have  had  the  aid  of  14  non-resident 
lecturers;  211  students,  including  the  Fellows,  have  received 
instruction,  115  of  whom  had  already  graduated  elsewhere,  and 
96,  chiefly  from  Maryland,  were  collegiate  or  academic  students  ; 
two  successive  classes  of  teachers  have  received  special  instruction 
in  physiology  and  zoology,  with  the  use  of  the  microscope;  twenty- 
four  medical  students  have  attended  a course  of  physiological 

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demonstrations ; 82  courses  of  lectures  have  been  opened  to  the 
public  gratuitously,  the  average  attendance  being  86  persons  in 
each  course. 

Buildings  have  been  purchased,  enlarged  and  fitted  up  with  the 
requisite  lecture  rooms ; three  laboratories,  of  Chemistry,  Physics 
and  Biology,  have  been  opened  and  the  needful  apparatus  bought; 
a library  and  reading-room  have  been  provided,  supplementary  to 
our  chief  reliance,  the  Peabody  Institute ; four  numbers  of  the 
American  Journal  of  Mathematics  and  two  collections  of  papers 
from  the  Biological  Laboratory  have  been  printed, — and  many 
contributions  have  been  made  to  the  special  scientific  journals  at 
home  and  abroad. 

The  University  now  offers  collegiate  instruction  in  the  usual 
fundamental  studies ; advanced  instruction  in  mathematical,  phys- 
ical, chemical  and  biological  science, — in  classical,  oriental,  and 
modern  European  languages,  in  philology,  philosophy,  history 
and  political  science.  It  gives  the  Bachelor’s  degree  to  those 
who  complete  either  one  of  the  seven  under-graduate  courses ; 
and  that  of  Doctor  or  Master  to  those  who  pass  the  higher 
examinations  in  special  advanced  studies.  There  are  double 
examinations  for  both  degrees,  the  papers  for  one  being  prepared 
by  the  teachers,  for  the  other  by  special  examiners  who  have  not 
been  teachers  here. 

A salutatory  address  in  Latin  was  then  pronounced  by 
Professor  C.  D.  Morris. 

Salutatory  Address. 

Magnopere  profecto  vereor,  Praeses  dignissime,  ne  verba,  quae 
eloeuturus  sum,  parum  nota  videantur,  parum  auribus  eorum  fami- 
liaria,  qui  praesentes  hodie  natalicia  nostrae  Academiae  benigno 
animo  celebrare  voluerunt.  JSTam  non  me  praeterit  hosce  viros 
doctos,  qui  in  pueritia  litteris  humanioribus  sunt  imbuti,  sonis 
vocum  Latinarum  prorsus  aliis  assuefactos  esse,  quam  quos  ego, 
virorum  praeceptis  recentioris  aevi  doctissimorum  obtemperans, 
sum  pronuntiaturus.  Perdifficilis  res  est,  fateor,  nominibus  Kike- 
ronis  Kaesarisve  notatos  illos  scriptores  agnoscere,  quibus  Sise- 


49 


rOne  vel  Sesare  nominatis  quam  familiariter  iuvenes  utebamini. 
At  enim  res  mihi  non  est  integra  : neque,  si  viro  cuidam,  alio  in 
genere  praestantissimo  dignissimoque  cui  in  sna  statuas  fingendi 
arte  credatur,  mutatus  hie  litterarum  sonus  minirae  placuit,*  idcircO 
est  nostro  iudicio  diffidendum,  nedum  auctoritas  virorutn  et  de 
Germanis  et  de  Anglis  doctissimorum  sit  improbanda.  Quare, 
cum  fieri  non  possit,  quin  mea  verba  subobscura  vestris  auribus 
sonent,  paulo  attentius,  quaeso,  viri  docti,  audite  quae  dicam 
dum  sollemni  modo  gratum  huius  Universitatis  animum  erga 
omnes  vos  praedicare  conor. 

Res  est  admodum  notabilis,  quod  Universitas  nostra  eundem 
natalem  habet  quem  vir  ille  magnus,  patriae  verus  pater,  quern 
per  totam  hanc  gentem  hodie  omnes  homines  grata  memoria  pro- 
sequuntur,  quodque  in  lucem,  ut  ita  dicam,  eo  fere  tempore  edita 
est,  quo  centesimum  vitae  annum  ipsa  respublica  complevit:  quas 
quidem  res  non  alienum  est  nunc  memorare,  quod  Tu  ipse,  Vir 
clarissime,  qui  huius  civitatis  principem  locum  pro  singulari  tuo 
merito  obtines,  illi  Universitatis  diei  natali  adfuisti,  Tu,  cujus  avus 
intima  necessitudine  conjunctus  est  cum  magno  illo  viro,  qui  acer- 
rimus.idemque  iustissimus  huius  reipublicae  propugnator  exstitit, 
fausta  ilia  omina  nascentis  Academiae  tuo  favore,  tua  auctoritate, 
tua  ipsa  praesentia  cumulavisti 

Jam  ad  vos,  Curatores  amplissimi,  me  converto.  Vos  sane  de 
Universitate  hac  nostra  optime  meritos  esse  confitemur,  qui  maximo 
studio  habeatis,  ut  omnia,  quae  usui  sint  ad  bonas  litteras  sus- 
tentandas,  ad  fines  scientiarum,  quas  vocant,  naturalium  propa- 
gandos,  intra  parietes  nostros  et  praesto  sint,  et  ita  praesto  ut  ad 
usum  prompta  atque  expedita  constent,  procul  omnibus  rebus 
arnotis  quae  cupienti  in  studium  toto  animo  incumbere  fastidium 
alferre  possint.  Hanc  nostram  Academiam,  quasi  officinam 
artium  liberalium  tanta  apparatus  copia,  tarn  largo  bonarum  doc- 
trinarum  instrumento  loeupletandam  curavistis,  ut  plures  disci- 
plinae,  quas  quidem  adhuc  vobis  licuerit  adornare,  plane  perfectum 
in  modum  instructae  esse  videantur.  Ne  multa  de  hac  re  dicam, 
quam  omnes  sciunt,  unum  tantum  noininatim  memorabo.  Quid 
studiosis  cuiuslibet  generis  magis  necessarium,  quam  librorum 
optimorum  delectus  affluens?  At  vos  non  libros  tantum  nobis 

* Vid.  Censurae  Amer.  Septent.  partem  cclxvi. 


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benigna  manu  praebuistis,  verum  etiam  bibliothecam,  in  qua  con- 
serventur  et  legantur.  instruenclam  curavistis,  qua  nulla  in  orbe 
terrarum  amoenior,  nulla  tranquillior,  nulla  Musarum  omnium 
domicilio  aptior  est  aut  accommodatior.  Pergite,  viri  honestis- 
simi,  ut  coepistis : quas  pecunias  vobis  commisit  Fundator  noster, 
eas  et  custodite  diligenter,  et  summa  cum  cura  et  liberalitate,  ut 
facitis,  in  Academiae  huius  nostrae  salutem  et  amplificationem 
erogate. 

Yobis,  nunc,  Professores,  vobis,  Gives  reipublicae  nostrae  stu- 
diosi,  plurimam  ego,  operum  vestrorum  socius,  salutem  nuntio. 
Quid  potius  festo  hoc  nostro  anniversario  tertium  iam  recurrenti 
faciamus,  quam  et  praeteritos  labores,  si  quos  feliciter  suscepimus, 
pio  gratoque  animo  recordemur,  et  optima  spe  consilium  capiamus 
ut  omnia  posthac  in  meliora  promoveantur.  Non  deest  nobis 
curaforum  auctoritas  et  favor,  non  civium  huius  urbis  optimorum 
summa  benevolentia,  non  omnium  rerum,  quibus  studia  foveantur, 
apparatus  locuples.  Quid  si  nobismet  ipsi  deerimus  ? Quare  pro 
virili  parte  laboremus  ut  hasce  facultates  ne  socordia  nostra  sina- 
mus  neglectas  iacere,  sed  ad  pristinos  studiorum  fructus  doctrina 
in  dies  accedat  uberior. 

Yobis  quoque,  Matronae  spectatissimae  Yirginesque  venustis- 
simae,  quae  coetum  hunc  nostrum  frequentia  yestra  ornare  volu- 
istis,  non  possumus  quin  gratias  ex  animo  agamus,  quod  statim  ab 
initiis  et  quasi  incunabulis  Universitatis  nostrae  favorem  nobis  et 
benevolentiam  assidue  praestitistis.  Namque  non  solum  publicis, 
quae  dicuntur,  scholis  adfuistis  frequenter,  cum  poetas,  cum  scien- 
tial morales  et  historicas,  cum  res  physicas  viri  docti  praelegerent, 
verum  etiam  domus  vestrae  hospitibus  nobis  benigne  patuerunt : 
ipsae  nos  fovistis  laborantes : ipsae  nonnunquam  eadem  studia 
colentes  et  exemplo  et  aemulatione  vestrae  laudis  adiuvistis. 

Baud  facile  veniam  aut  a me  aut  ab  reliquis  Academiae  civibus 
impetravero,  si  te,  Praeses  dignissime,  tuumque  hospitem  praecla- 
rum  salvere  non  jussero.  Quae  de  te  tuisque  pro  hac  Universitate 
assiduis  laboribus  omnes  scimus,  eadem  de  Praesidis  Academiae 
Cornellianae  eximia  virtute  sine  ulla  dubitatione  credimus.  Utrique 
vestrum  mira  ilia  fortuna  contigit,  ut  novum  disciplinarum  domi- 
cilium,  tanquam  puerum  recens  natum,  susciperetis:  vos  novae  suae 
quisque  Academiae  regulas  ordinastis,  rationem  et  cursum  studio- 
rum  artificiose  in  ordinem  redegistis  ; quae  ad  doctrinam  prove- 


51 


hendam,  ad  optimas  artes  excolendas,  ad  virtutes  humaniorea 
informandas  inservire  viderentur,  omnia  aut  vestra  ipsorum  indole 
excogitastis,  aut  ab  aliis  oblata  miro  favore  accepistis  et  fovistis. 

Quapropter  a Deo  Optimo  Maximo  precamur  uno  animo,  ut 
vobis  et  corporis  valetiidinem  prosperam  et  animi  prudentem  sol- 
lertiam  pro  sua  benignitate  concedat  diuturnas. 

President  White  of  Cornell  University  was  then  intro- 
duced to  the  assembly  as  one  whose  life  had  been  given  to 
university  work,  but  who  had  repeatedly  been  called  into 
civil  life  to  render  services  to  the  State  and  country.  Presi- 
dent White  then  delivered  the  foregoing  address. 

At  its  conclusion,  President  Gilman  of  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  claiming  that  his  residence  of  three  years  in  Bal- 
timore gave  him  the  right  to  speak  as  if  he  were  completely 
a Marylander  and  Baltimorean,  pointed  out  in  a few  words 
what  is  still  requisite  to  make  of  this  place  a University  town. 

•The  exercises  were  concluded  with  singing,  by  a choir  of 
male  voices,  the  following  words — to  the  music  composed  in 
the  16th  century  by  William  Bird: 

Non  nobis , Domine , sed  Nomini  Tuo  da  gloriam . 


